The immediate reaction of many Ugandans to these election results confirmed that those who were ‘cheated’ in this election are Ugandans who wanted to use the election as a protest against the draconian rule of Museveni. So, he might have officially won the election, but he couldn’t win the people. Many of the change-seeking masses who had reposed their hope in the candidacy of Bobi Wine, and have had the scales fall from their eyes, now have to be prepared for mass resistance to challenge the rule of Museveni and the rapacious ruling class in Uganda. Despite the weakness of the labour movement in Uganda and the limitations of the NUP and Bobi Wine, mass struggle against the existing economic crisis or an attempt by the Museveni regime to further throw the working masses into poverty and misery through pro-capitalist policies may break out in the coming period.
Out of the 21.65 million registered voters, only 11.37 million voted in the election, which is about 52%. This turnout is the lowest in decades; for instance, the 2021 election had 59% turn out, and in 2016, turnout was 67%. This shows that for many of the population, there is a level of disillusionment with the election and the electoral process. In the first election held by Museveni in 1996, after 10 years of ruling without any election, 72% participated. Over the years, the people have seen gross ‘cheating’ unfold before and during the election. The election has become an agenda to rubber-stamp the rule of the regime. Days before the last election, the internet services in Uganda were shut down. The regime claimed it was for ‘national security’. What was being secured was never mentioned. Also, campaign events of the National Unity Platform of Bobi Wine are usually attacked by the police; many NUP members were arrested, and many of the supporters were intimidated. This was the path of Museveni to victory, an election he won without actually winning the votes.
The rejection of the declared victory of Museveni by many Ugandans have been met with another round of repression by the state. In fact, members of Bobi Wine’s NUP are being referred to as ‘terrorists’ by different top officials of the state. Bobi Wine has had his share of this ridiculous repression; his house has been besieged by the police and military. According to him, he has been on the run since the election results were announced. To add, Bobi Wine and the NUP rejected the results from the election.
The announcement of the election result was indeed greeted with mass anger; many of the citizens who had taken to apathy only had to nod their heads that their expectations were met, sadly. Bobi Wine and the NUP have not been able to take advantage of this mass anger to lead a campaign against the Museveni regime. Many of the protests by NUP supporters are spontaneous and unorganised and have been easily clamped down by the state. Bobi Wine has also not shown any intention to mobilize for mass actions against the electoral façade of Museveni. The inaction of the labour leadership has also strengthened the Museveni regime.
MUSEVENI’S MIXTURE OF DRACONIAN RULE AND JOBS FOR HIS FAMILY
Over the years, Museveni has been ruling the country draconically; his family members and friends are fixed in key government positions, all acting with impunity and recklessness. For instance, Janet Museveni, Museveni’s wife, is the current Minister of Education and Sports. She has served in different ministerial positions since 2016. Museveni’s son, Gen. Muhoozi Kainerugaba is the Chief of Defence Forces (CDF), the top military role in the country. Natasha Museveni, daughter of the president, is the presidential assistant in charge of Household at state house. The list of family members of Museveni and friends occupying key positions is endless, and so is their impunity. Just some days ago, Gen. Muhoozi, Museveni’s son, boasted of killing 22 members of NUP! “I am praying the 23rd is Kabobi (Bobi Wine)” were his exact words, indicating the limitless impunity obtainable in Uganda. All the state institutions have collapsed into the hands of Museveni and his gangs. Twice, the constitution of the country has been amended to remove the presidential term and age limits, which is what has enabled Museveni to contest for the seventh time.
The economic situation for the working masses in Uganda continues to deteriorate rapidly, with about 40% living in poverty and a rising youth unemployment and underemployment. For a population with about 77% under the age of 35, this means a vast number of Ugandans are left with a bleak future, while Museveni and the corrupt elite live in opulence. This saddening reality had been the basis of many agitations, especially the 2011 ‘Walk to work’ mass protest against the high cost of living and austerity pressures.
‘A NEW UGANDA NOW’: CAN THE PROGRAMMES OF BOBI WINE RESOLVE UGANDAN SOCIO-ECONOMIC CRISIS?
For a nation groaning under its own weight, Bobi Wine and the National Unity Platform (NUP) have become a rallying point of hope for many Ugandans, especially among the young people who sometimes, wrongly, attribute the crisis to the old age of many members of the ruling class. And Uganda, just like Africa, has a huge young population, about 77% of the population is reported to be under the age of 35 years. ‘A new Ugandan Now’, the manifesto slogan of Bobi Wine, resonates with many people. Just as in the previous election in 2021, Bobi Wine got a huge followership of many change-seeking youth; they energetically campaigned for him, following him throughout his campaign; many became victims of intimidation and unjust arrest by the police, yet they did not deter. Such is the readiness of the youth and masses of Uganda to establish ‘a new Uganda now’. It is, therefore, important to ask if the programmes and ideas of Bobi Wine and the NUP can truly create a new Uganda for the working masses of Uganda who are thirsty to live in a new and better country.
The ‘A NEW UGANDA NOW’ programme is premised on providing citizens with democratic rights, which have been stifled under Museveni. This also includes respect for labour law, instituting a national minimum wage, a focus on agriculture, job creation, free and quality education, and a war against corruption. While such objectives are welcome there has been no clear explanation about how these programs would be achieved, and, significantly, no rejection of capitalism in Uganda.
For the NUP and Bobi Wine, the question of the crisis has been narrowed down to the regime of Museveni and kicking out that regime. Socialists agree that Museveni must be kicked out; he and his gangs and cronies constitute a major setback to the development of Uganda. However, we do not agree that a mere removal of Museveni without ending the system of capitalism would lead to any significant growth in Uganda, because Museveni and his criminal gangs are representatives of the oppressive and exploitative system of capitalism in Uganda. Therefore, the task before Ugandans is to remove Museveni and also end the reign of capitalism in the country. It is only a society run and managed by the working masses, where the commanding heights of the economy will be owned and managed by the working masses and used in the interest of the working masses and society at large, not the profits of a few, that can lead Uganda towards the path of growth, sustainable development and rising living standards.
Bobi Wine identified the humongous salaries and emoluments of the political class and top military officials as one of the problems he would reverse, but he merely advocated for a reduction. Marx in ‘The Civil War in France’ noted while discussing the Paris Commune, the first attempt of the working class to establish its own rule, that ‘from the members of the Commune downwards, public service had to be done at workmen’s wage’. In other words, political office holders must be placed on the same salary scheme as the working people. Bobi Wine regards corruption as a problem, but he failed to realize that corruption is a byproduct of capitalism, and capitalism cannot exist without corruption; so far, it is based on the exploitation of the working people. For instance, the capitalist contract system used to implement projects and construction allows for overpriced contracts and has been a major setback for African development, but African leaders enjoy it; it is a system that enriches them at the expense of societal development. Bobi Wine has said nothing about this system; he did not recognize capitalism has been the root cause of the problem in Uganda.
Ending the rule of Museveni and his cohorts would be a significant and positive step in Uganda. But on its own it does not automatically guarantee a new Uganda that is built for the interest of the vast majority. In other words, it is not that ‘a new Uganda’ is impossible, but that a new Uganda is impossible without ending the system of capitalism. The vast resources of Uganda are enough to ensure a better life for every citizen of Uganda and a better society; however, these resources are deposited in the hands of just a tiny fraction of the society. They drink champagne while citizens cannot afford to drink water. A new Uganda is only possible by smashing capitalism and establishing a socialist society. To attain this, the working people must fight and defeat not just Museveni and the gluttonous ruling class, but must also defeat capitalism.
Bobi Wine and the NUP’s limitation must not limit the intervention of socialists and change-seeking individuals. At the moment, there is no mass-based working people’s political alternative in Uganda. Bobi Wine and the NUP have emerged as the magnet of resistance, attracting the most conscious section of society. Support for Bobi Wine and the NUP is necessary. However, this must not be a blind support; it must be critical. The radical platform provided by Bobi Wine must be used to make the case for a socialist transformation, win as many people as possible to the banner of socialism, while also campaigning for a genuine and mass-based working people’s political alternative. That is the task for those interested in advancing the struggle for a new Uganda and setting an example for the rest of Africa to follow.