After four decades of brutal conflict, the imprisoned leader of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), Abdullah Öcalan, has called on the organisation to lay down its arms and dissolve.
His speech, delivered both in Kurdish and Turkish, was read out by a delegation from the pro-Kurdish Dem Party, formerly known as the People’s Democratic Party, HDP. Giant screens were installed in Van and Diyarbakir to broadcast the historic message.
After decades of war, repression and terror, Öcalan’s call has brought a glimmer of hope for the Kurds that the bloodshed that claimed over 40,000 lives might now finally come to an end.
But for many Kurds, this call could also be seen as an ideological capitulation and a betrayal to the Kurdish cause, especially if it doesn’t extract any meaningful concessions for democratic rights.
The statement comes after a series of significant developments in Turkey, starting with remarks from Devlet Bahceli, the leader of the far-right Nationalist Movement Party (MHP), which shocked his supporters.
Addressing his parliamentary group in a televised speech last October, he said that Öcalan could be freed and allowed to speak at the parliament to address the Dem Party group if he announced the PKK’s dissolution.
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan quickly backed his ally Bahceli and said that he hoped this window of opportunity will not be missed, indicating the start of a renewed ‘peace process’.
Both the Turkish state and the leadership of the Kurdish movement are trying to position themselves in order to defend their best interests in an increasingly volatile region.
So far, these talks between the Turkish government and Öcalan have been conducted in complete secrecy. But whatever the outcome will be, it is certain that Erdogan’s increasingly authoritarian regime will not guarantee any far-reaching democratic rights for the oppressed Kurds, and Turkey will continue with its aim to end Kurdish autonomy in Syria, which is seen as a threat to Turkey’s interests.
Erdogan’s calculations
Incapable of offering anything to the working class in Turkey, Erdogan’s popularity has been dwindling due to increasing repression and poverty.
A recent poll showed that 55% of Turkish people have an unfavourable view of Erdogan.
Struggling to maintain his social base amid the economic crisis, Erdogan has resorted to even more authoritarian measures, stepping up his crackdown on all opposition.
This is not just aimed at the Kurds, although the Kurds are certainly at the sharp end. All opposition politicians are threatened with arrests, including the mayors of the second biggest political party, Republican People’s Party (CHP), and even the leader of a far-right political party who opposes the talks with Öcalan.
Like other leaders in the Middle East, Erdogan is afraid of mass unrest challenging his rule. Given the increasingly chaotic and volatile world order – in particular with Trump as US president and heightened geopolitical tensions – Erdogan’s government is trying to reduce the threat posed by the Kurdish movement and potentially stave off mass movements.
He is also making calculations about how he could extend his rule by another term. According to the current constitution, which was actually written by his government, Erdogan will not be able to stand in the next presidential elections unless there is a snap election or a new constitution. Currently, Erdogan and his allies do not have enough seats in the Parliament to make these changes.
This has led some to comment that Erdogan is trying to win support from the pro-Kurdish Dem Party. But for him to secure support from the Dem Party he would need to offer something more concrete.
Without granting substantial democratic and national rights to Kurds, these so-called peace talks will be fragile and it won’t fundamentally resolve any issues facing the Kurds.
Winning the support of the leadership of the Kurdish movement does not mean that Kurdish workers and the poor will give support to Erdogan. Large sections of Kurdish workers suffer from racism and discrimination. But, like their Turkish brothers and sisters, they also work in awful conditions for pittance, living in poor, overcrowded houses, and see no future for themselves.
Despite Erdogan’s intention to stave off mass movements, his government has got no solution to the problems faced by the working class and he will eventually be met by a mass opposition of Turkish and Kurdish workers fighting together.
Ocalan’s statement
Öcalan’s statement explains that the denial of Kurds’ democratic and national rights led to the foundation and development of the PKK in the late 1970s and 80s.
Initially basing themselves on the model of Stalinism-Maoism – which was a distortion of genuine socialist ideas – Öcalan’s organisation distanced itself from Stalinism in the 1990s.
But despite the ideological shift during that period, the PKK continued with armed struggle against the Turkish state. This included individual bombings, shootings and kidnappings affecting civilians. In reality, however, the wrong methods of ‘individual terrorism’ (which is a term used by Marxists) have only given the Turkish state the pretext to increase repression against Kurdish people, and driven Turkish workers into the hands of the state, sowing divisions in the working class, weakening the ability of the working class to fight back.
Öcalan recognises that the methods of individual terrorism will not bring any solution to the Kurdish question. But this is not because he now thinks there is a vital need for mass democratic workers’ action of Kurdish workers and the poor against state repression and for democratic rights.
But rather it is an acknowledgement that the Kurdish movement is in a weakened position as a result of global and regional developments, and that an armed struggle against the Turkish state will not lead to any gains for the Kurdish struggle.
Öcalan’s recent statement also abandons the historical goals of the PKK where he not only rejects nation states, but also federalism, autonomy or even cultural rights. He concludes that, “there is no alternative to democracy in the pursuit and realisation of a political system.”
He argues that the alleged democratic steps taken by Erdogan’s government on Kurdish issues and the regional developments means that there is no reason to continue the armed struggle.
But far from taking any positive steps on the Kurdish issue, Erdogan’s government has stepped up its attacks on democratic rights and, in effect, denied the right to elect and to be elected for Kurdish people.
Any hope that the Kurdish question can be resolved within the ‘democratic framework’, or within the framework of capitalism, will be shattered quickly.
That does not mean, however, that Erdogan won’t be forced to make concessions under the pressure of mass democratic struggle of Kurdish workers and the poor.
US imperialism
Capitalism is increasingly unstable and conflict-ridden. Whereas in the past the leadership of the Kurdish movement looked towards US imperialism to pursue its goals, it seems like Öcalan recognises that they can no longer rely on US imperialism in this period, especially with Trump back in the White House.
But as Marxists warned before, US imperialism was never interested in securing democratic or national rights for the Kurds. US imperialism betrayed Kurdish people many times, including in 2019 when Trump gave the green light for the Turkish army to invade Kurdish-controlled areas in Syria.
Kurdish movement
It is unclear when and whether the PKK will dissolve itself. Days after Öcalan’s call, the PKK declared a ceasefire in Turkey. But laying down arms and disbanding will not be a simple process. The PKK leadership would expect guarantees for themselves and for their fighters. They would also likely expect more concrete concessions before they start disbanding.
Even though the PKK is greatly weakened militarily, it still has fighting capacity, and there will be sections who would want to continue fighting.
After Bahceli’s remarks in the parliament, there was a terror attack on Turkish Aerospace Industries headquarters in Ankara, which killed and injured staff, and a taxi driver. The PKK claimed responsibility for the attack. There’s nothing stopping PKK-related groups or offshoots from continuing with these attacks, including with the intention of disrupting the talks.
Rather than talks behind closed doors, mass democratic meetings of Kurdish people discussing and debating the next steps would be a significant step forward.
There can be no trust in Erdogan’s government or any pro-capitalist forces. The building of a mass united workers’ action against war, oppression and austerity could potentially create a powerful force challenging Erdogan’s regime and win concessions for democratic rights and more.
This is true for Syria too.
Kurds were glad to see the back of Assad. Nevertheless, there are worries about what the new regime in Damascus, with a friendly relationship with the Turkish government, would mean for the de facto autonomous region.
Mazloum Abdi, the commander-in-chief of the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) – a coalition dominated by Kurdish armed groups with links to the PKK – had said that, while he welcomes Öcalan’s call, the decision to lay down arms is only relevant for the PKK and not for the Kurds in Rojava.
The HTS-led Damascus regime is trying to integrate the Kurdish forces into the Syrian army and is coming under pressure from the Turkish government.
Until recently, Kurdish forces were reluctant to do this as they see the HTS regime as a threat to their rule and they are worried about the possible consequences, including attacks on Kurds and the revival of the Islamic State.
But on 11 March, SDF and Syria’s interim President Ahmed al-Sharaa signed an agreement bringing the SDF under the control of the Syrian state. In return, Kurds have been promised citizenship rights.
In any case, neither the HTS regime, US imperialism, Turkey, nor any other power would be able to solve the unresolved questions in Syria and in the Middle East.
The building of mass workers’ action and mass workers’ parties across the region, standing on a fighting socialist programme to defend democratic rights and living standards, would begin to challenge these powers and offer a way out.
This would also challenge the leadership of the Kurdish movement and lead to questioning of the programme and strategy offered by the leadership. It would pose the question of the need for mass democratic organisations for Kurdish workers in defending democratic rights and national aspirations, as well as fighting for decent living standards.
Workers’ unity needed
Ocalan’s call for the PKK to lay down arms is a truly significant development. But even though it might formally end the war between the Turkish government and the PKK, the national aspirations of the Kurdish people will not be met as a result. It won’t bring an end to the oppression faced by the Kurds in Turkey.
Certainly, Öcalan’s statement abandons any goal for autonomy for Kurds in Turkey, let alone a separate Kurdish state. However authoritative Öcalan may be among Kurdish people, the fact that he has got no solutions to the aspirations of Kurdish people could weaken his standing amongst the Kurds.
Socialists support the full cultural, democratic and national rights for all Kurds, including the right to secession if they wish. The only viable strategy to achieve this is through the mass democratic struggle of Kurds, as part of a united struggle for socialism in Kurdistan, Turkey and across the region.
As long as the leadership of the Kurdish movement limits itself to the confines of capitalism and fails to make a class appeal to Turkish, Arab and other workers in the region, any attempt to achieve autonomy or democratic rights would be crushed by the bigger powers.
An appeal from workers’ organisations, with a socialist programme to defend national and democratic rights for all, for the democratic workers’ control of the vast wealth and resources of the region, can help mobilise the potential power of the working class.
The need for mass democratic organisations for the working class, including the forging of a mass revolutionary party, is therefore sharply posed across the region.
A socialist confederation of the Middle East, on a voluntary and free basis, where the working class takes the economic levers into its own hands, can bring an end to the chaos, war and misery created by capitalism, enabling people to decide their own future and securing a complete transformation in living standards on a permanent basis.
